By Stéphanie J. Bakker, Gerry Wakker
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Additional info for Discourse Cohesion in Ancient Greek
31 A crucial property of intensifiers is the following: they ‘structure the set of referents under consideration (. ) in terms of center and periphery’; they ‘evoke a set of alternatives’, the focus of the intensifier being the center, and the alternatives being the periphery (König (2001: 749)). This centerperiphery idea can be shown to underly a remarkable quantity of Homeric instances of αὐτός. In Homer the mention of the entity αὐτός refers to, that is, the center, is very frequently accompanied by 30 On emotional implications of some uses of ‘that’ and ‘this’ in English, see Lakoff (1974).
Il. 406–11; Helen to Aphrodite) Aphrodite has just saved Alexander from Menelaus’ hands; she is addressing Helen in order to persuade her to join the charming man. Helen’s reply to the goddess includes four different third person pronouns—one of them occurring twice—within 5 lines, and all of them have the same referent, that is Alexander. In this case the accessibility degree of the referent is not relevant, as Alexander is the unquestionable center of attention of everybody at this moment of narration (of Helen, of Aphrodite, of the narrator and of the audience).
Presupposed, accommodated and exploited propositions Having advanced a number of general arguments in favour of my claim, I will now discuss a number of concrete examples. I will start with some clear-cut examples and then proceed to an analysis of some passages in which presupposition accommodation and exploitation play a role. 25 In fact, Cristofaro (1996: 70–5; 1998) elaborates the general claim cited above by drawing up an intricate table in which the occurrence of ὅτι or ὡς is linked to the three parameters [+/-focus], [+/-topic] and [+/-known information].
Discourse Cohesion in Ancient Greek by Stéphanie J. Bakker, Gerry Wakker